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By Edmund. Leach

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Crisis and despair had shaken German society's very foundations. But unlike in Russia the crisis was not resolved positively through the existence of a rooted, well-known and trusted party rallying millions to its banner. Nor did the crisis, as Zinoviev argues in his speech, lead to an "epidemic" of rightwing and centrist leaders being thrown from office. Millions of German workers - the majority, in fact - still held illusions in the SPD in spite of its unabashed, murderous betrayals between 1918 and 1920.

21. Zinoviev Ob itogakh pp190,197. 22. Ibid p197. 23. Ibid p 195. This statement may give the impression that Zinoviev was justifying this inequality, but at the 9th party conference in September 1920 he discussed these same problems (position of a worker elite) at length and made clear that equality was a key value of the revolution (Deviataia konferentsiia RKP(b): protokoly Moscow 1972 ppl45-52). In 1925, the party majority gave Zinoviev a very hard time when he insisted that equality was a key revolutionary value.

3 Two comments by Lunacharsky seem to me to hit the right note: he called Zinoviev a "person who had a profound understanding of the essence of Bolshevism" and one who was "romantically" devoted to the party. 4 I will present Zinoviev as someone who was under the spell of the Leninist drama of hegemony, but with a decidedly populist bent. Lenin's drama had three basic characters: the proletarian vanguard, the hehtm. 2. org/archive/lunachar/). Myron Hedlin wrote two excellent articles on Zinoviev that appeared in the 1970s: 'Grigorii Zinoviev: myths of the defeated' in Reconsideration on the Russian Revolution (ed) Ralph Carter Elwood, Columbus OH 1976, and 'Zinoviev's revolutionary tactics in 1917' Slavic Review 34 (1975) ppl9-43.

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